{"id":4487,"date":"2021-01-26T23:10:22","date_gmt":"2021-01-26T23:10:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ourlandourbusiness.org\/?p=4487"},"modified":"2021-01-29T18:39:23","modified_gmt":"2021-01-29T18:39:23","slug":"philippines-world-bank-complicity-dutertes-war-on-farmers","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ourlandourbusiness.org\/fr\/philippines-world-bank-complicity-dutertes-war-on-farmers\/","title":{"rendered":"Fuel on the Fire: The World Bank\u2019s Complicity in Duterte\u2019s War on Farmers in the Philippines"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"Farmers<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

By: Andy Currier<\/p>\n

On March 17th 2020, 25-year-old peasant advocate and artist Marlon Madlos was riding on the back of a motorcycle in broad daylight in Tagbilaran City, when he was shot and killed by unidentified gunmen.<\/p>\n

Two weeks later, while walking home, 66-year-old Nora Apique \u2014 known fondly as \u201cNanay Nora\u201d to the peasant farmer organizations she devoted her life to \u2014 was brutally gunned down by two armed men riding a motorcycle outside Bgy. Patong.<\/p>\n

On August 10th<\/sup> 2020, Randall \u201cKa Randy\u201d Echanis, a 72-year-old activist leader instrumental in advocating for policies to protect peasant rights in the Philippines was stabbed over 40 times, killed by a group of assailants in his apartment in Quezon City.<\/p>\n

In the predawn hours of December 30th, the Philippine National Police dragged Indigenous Tumandok community leaders from their homes on Panay Island. Nine<\/a> were lined up before being shot and killed in the street, while another ten were arrested and taken away. Those targeted were Indigenous community leaders who had successfully protected their ancestral land by delaying progress on the Jalaur River Multi-Purpose Project Mega Dam.<\/p>\n

These are not random or isolated killings, but targeted assassinations carried out against peasant farmers struggling for a better future. The government\u2019s development strategy prioritizes a \u201cmodern\u201d export-oriented commercial agriculture system that directly threatens farmers\u2019 and Indigenous Peoples\u2019 right to land and life. Those who organize and resist are killed or imprisoned with impunity in President Rodrigo Duterte\u2019s Philippines.<\/p>\n

\n \"A
\n \"Justice
\n \"Justice
\n

Calls for justice and protests following the murders of Marlon Madlos, Nora Apique and Randall Echanis. Credit: KMP<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The country\u2019s highly unequal distribution of land has left millions landless, forced to pay high rents for farmland or work for low wages on plantations, trapped in cycles of poverty and food insecurity. In response, farmers and farm workers groups have organized and waged a decades long struggle for genuine land reform. Centered on owning the land they till, the freedom to implement agroecological practices focused on community food sovereignty, and breaking free from the export heavy plantation system, this struggle has been met with repression aimed at silencing dissent.<\/p>\n

Since Duterte assumed power in 2016, there have been 311 documented killings of peasants, farmworkers, and fisherfolk related to land dispute cases and agrarian reform advocacy. The 2020 United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights annual report<\/a> corroborated that \u201cland and environmental rights defenders feature prominently among the documented killings of human rights defenders\u201d and that there is \u201cwidespread impunity for such killings\u201d in the Philippines. Under the cover of the COVID-19 pandemic, the targeted assassinations have accelerated, as over 90 of these murders have occurred since quarantine measures were issued in mid March.<\/p>\n

Referred to as \u201cred-tagging,\u201d<\/a> the government falsely labels peasant activists as \u201cterrorists\u201d or \u201ccommunists,\u201d circulating their names publically on \u201cliquidation-lists\u201d to special military and police units. On July 3rd 2020, Duterte signed the \u201cAnti-Terrorism\u201d Bill<\/a> into law, granting the government the right to arrest suspected terrorists without warrants and detain them for up to 24 days.<\/p>\n

Under the shadow of the pandemic, Duterte\u2019s bloody \u201cwar on drugs\u201d has also escalated, with the rate of people killed by the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency jumping 50 percent<\/a> during quarantine. In total, an estimated 8,000 and 24,000 people have been killed<\/a>.<\/p>\n

While farmer killings have not generated the same international media coverage as Duterte\u2019s drug war, it remains an escalating situation, closely linked to suppressing the resistance to the government and World Bank\u2019s shared vision for agriculture development in the Philippines.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Major Donors Turn a Blind Eye to Extrajudicial Killings<\/h2>\n

\u201cWhile the Bank\u2019s unwavering financial support to Duterte is not unique among donors, its strategic vision for transforming agriculture stands apart, as it remains inextricably linked with the escalating threats to land rights and violence against farmers who continue to struggle for their right to land.\u201d<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Instead of condemning these rampant human rights abuses, the World Bank, international financial institutions, and major donor countries have maintained or increased support to the Philippines since Duterte assumed office in 2016.<\/p>\n

The United States has maintained its contributions towards \u201cPeace and Security\u201d<\/a> to the country and is in the process of finalizing a package of military equipment worth an estimated US$1.5 billion<\/a>. Similarly, Japan<\/a> and China<\/a> have maintained foreign assistance levels under Duterte, signing new multiyear development plans largely focused on infrastructure with the government. The large levels of support from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have not wavered despite Duterte\u2019s extrajudicial killings. In 2020, the ADB\u2019s lending is expected to set an annual record high at US$3.3 billion<\/a>, with over half committed to the country\u2019s infrastructure overhaul.<\/p>\n

The World Bank has maintained its major presence in the Philippines, praising the Duterte administration\u2019s \u201csound economic fundamentals.\u201d<\/a> In the Bank\u2019s latest Doing Business Rankings, the controversial program<\/a> that ranks countries on the \u201cease of doing business,\u201d i.e. regulatory changes and reforms that make them more attractive to private investors, the Philippines jumped 29 places up to 95th<\/a> in 2020, another signal of support to Duterte\u2019s agenda.<\/p>\n

By the end of August 2020, the World Bank’s active portfolio in the Philippines consisted of 13 operations totaling US$2.5 billion. Of this, 22 percent<\/a> was committed to \u201cUrban, Resilience and Land\u201d while 14 percent<\/a> went towards \u201cAgriculture and Food\u201d related projects. While the Bank\u2019s unwavering financial support to Duterte is not unique among donors, its strategic vision for transforming agriculture stands apart, as it remains inextricably linked with the escalating threats to land rights and violence against farmers who continue to struggle for their right to land.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The World Bank\u2019s Vision to Transform Agriculture in the Philippines<\/h2>\n
\"\u201cTransforming
\n

Cover from June 2020 World Bank Publication Transforming Philippine Agriculture During COVID and Beyond<\/i>. Credit: World Bank<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Despite claiming to promote \u201cNew Thinking\u201d in Transforming Philippine Agriculture During COVID and Beyond<\/i><\/a>, the World Bank prescribes the same set of pro corporate policies that subjugated farmers in the country during the colonial and structural adjustment<\/a> periods. The strategy<\/a> outlines how in response to the pandemic, the Philippines should prioritize farm consolidation, modernization, industrialization, export promotion, and infrastructure development. The Philippines Department of Agriculture, in its proposed budget for 2021<\/a>, has heeded these priorities from the Bank as it explicitly targets increasing: \u201cexport promotion and farm consolidation.\u201d<\/p>\n

Three hundred years as a Spanish colony and another half century under US rule highly concentrated land<\/a> in the hands of several wealthy families and multinational corporations in the Philippines. While a US colony, large agribusiness corporations were granted massive tracts<\/a> of government land as a part of the export-oriented economy. Following independence in 1946, land remained highly concentrated over the decades that followed, as 10 percent of the population owned 90 percent<\/a> of the land in the late 1980s. Despite violent repression, tens of thousands of farmers took to the streets in sustained protest efforts until the Aquino government finally conceded and launched the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) in 1988. The CARP had the goal of transferring eight million hectares of land from large estates and corporations to tenant farmers and farmworkers. After several decades of implementation, the government claims that CARP had distributed 4.8 million hectares<\/a> of land, just over 15 percent of the entire county, to almost 3 million agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs) by 2018.<\/p>\n

While such numbers may suggest the success of the program, the actual experience of the reform on the ground paints a dramatically different picture, as power imbalances and the absence of much needed support to beneficiaries undermined its effectiveness. Influential landowners were able to leverage their political power to ensure that nearly half of the land allocated was public<\/a> and did not come from the largest private holdings. When their land was targeted for redistribution, large landowners at times used \u201cfraudulent beneficiaries,\u201d<\/a> which allowed them to officially transfer the land while retaining control.<\/p>\n

For farmers who initially received land, excessive amortization fees<\/a> and lack of support led to debt, which in turn resulted in the widespread sale or lease of lands back into the hands of the big landlords and foreign agribusiness firms<\/a>. For example, some 70 percent<\/a> of the sugar plantation land redistributed on the island of Negros was leased back to its original owners.<\/p>\n

While the government and World Bank point to the success of CARP, the June 2020 Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights echoed the criticisms from peasant groups, noting<\/a> that: \u201cPowerful business and political actors consistently undermine efforts at land distribution and agrarian reform.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cIn practice, this results in pushing out smallholder farmers to enable large-scale commercial agribusiness operations to flourish.\u201d<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

As a result of the entrenched political power of large landowners, millions<\/a> of farmers in the Philippines remain landless and tenure insecurity is widespread, with 48 percent<\/a> of adults feeling insecure about their land rights. Yet, as the best course forward, the World Bank prescribes consolidating land ownership in the hands of \u201cefficient\u201d farmers. In Transforming Philippine Agriculture During COVID and Beyond<\/i>, the Bank cites \u201cdysfunctional land markets\u201d and a growing population as the drivers of severely fragmented land holdings. To address this \u201cproblem\u201d the Bank states that the \u201cconsolidation of small and medium farms will enable producers to achieve economies of scale, reduce production costs, and realize higher farm productivity and profitability through more efficient farming.\u201d In practice, this results in pushing out smallholder farmers to enable large-scale commercial agribusiness operations to flourish.<\/p>\n

The Bank has recently assumed a larger role in facilitating land reform, approving a US$470 million loan for the Support to Parcelization of Lands for Individual Titling (SPLIT) project in July 2020. Of the titles issued during CARP, approximately 53 percent were granted as individual titles while the remaining 47 percent were issued as collective titles. According to the Bank<\/a>, the SPLIT project will divide one million hectares currently under collective titles into individual titles and as a result, \u201cstrengthen tenure security\u201d for close to one million<\/a> smallholder farmer beneficiaries.<\/p>\n

While the SPLIT project at first appears counterintuitive to the Bank\u2019s goal of consolidating land, breaking down collective titles into individual ones will expedite land transactions and jumpstart \u201cdysfunctional\u201d land markets. By receiving individual titles, farmers will have the \u201cchoice\u201d to sell their land and exit agriculture, allowing more land to be transferred to the \u201cefficient\u201d producers. The Bank acknowledges<\/a> the \u201crisks of beneficiaries selling part of their land to pay-off taxes owed or other debts, rendering the remaining plot unable to sustain their livelihoods.\u201d For the one million farmers who receive an individual title through the project, selling their plot in land markets may be their only option, an outcome which will likely lead to wealthy interests consolidating ownership.<\/p>\n

Alongside land consolidation, the Bank\u2019s core prescriptions for transforming the sector includes modernizing and industrializing agriculture while focusing on exports. The plan for modernization involves adopting \u201cmodern science-based farming,\u201d<\/a> which likely includes an increased usage of chemical fertilizers and commercial seeds to support monoculture plantations. The strategy suggests that the wider promotion of exports<\/a> and fostering \u201cmutually beneficial partnerships with agro-industry\u201d as keys to accelerate industrialization in agriculture.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The Bank\u2019s \u201cTransformation\u201d Threatens Peasant Farmers<\/h2>\n
\n\"Chart:
\n

Food Security Development Framework of the Department of Agriculture, Philippines cited in the World Bank Document: Transforming Philippine Agriculture During COVID and Beyond<\/i><\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The path to agriculture \u201cdevelopment\u201d that the Bank has laid out and that the government is in varying stages of implementing undermines the needs of peasant farmers and farmworkers in the country and directly threatens their livelihoods.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis is not the future that peasant farmers and activists in the Philippines are struggling for.\u201d<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

 
\nThe Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP)<\/a> \u2014 Peasant Movement of the Philippines \u2014 harshly denounced the Duterte government\u2019s approach to agriculture, which closely mirrors the Bank\u2019s pillars of transformation. In September 2020, KMP warned<\/a> that the Department of Agriculture\u2019s budget priorities will \u201cfurther worsen the landlessness of farmers and the social injustices endured by our rural population.\u201d Specifically denouncing the SPLIT program as \u201chighly-divisive\u201d and a \u201cwaste of resources,\u201d KMP warned that the project would negatively impact tenure security.<\/p>\n

To justify the SPLIT program, the Bank claims:<\/a> \u201cWithout formal proof of individual ownerships, farmers feel insecure about their landholdings,\u201d which as a result, \u201chas prevented the farmers from realizing the full financial potentials\u201d of their land. However, there is no evidence<\/a> supporting the claim that farmers will be able to use individual titles to gain access to credit. This assumption also ignores the fact that the ability to use land as collateral makes it possible for banks to legally take over the land if farmers experience a difficult harvest year and are unable to pay back their loan or mortgage \u2014 a phenomenon all too common amidst today\u2019s climatic realities and a risk that KMP specifically highlights from firsthand experience.<\/p>\n

While tenure security is undoubtedly a major issue for Filipino farmers, evidence does not broadly support individual titles<\/a> as the most effective path to increased security, as overviewed in the Oakland Institute\u2019s report Driving Dispossession<\/i>.<\/a> Under the guise of increasing tenure security, the Bank\u2019s SPLIT project looks to grant individual titles in the short term to create a viable land markets. Over time, research shows<\/a> that this likely will lead to consolidated ownership, as farmers are pushed into debt and left with few options but to sell their land.<\/p>\n

This is the exact risk that KMP Project Coordinator Kathryn Manga calls attention to<\/a>, explaining:<\/p>\n

\u201cOur decades of experience struggling prove that farmers granted with a certificate of ownership often lose their claim through loopholes to the laws, to violence, and to deception. SPLIT does not aim to distribute land titles to farmers. Contrary to its name, the program aims to pave the way for the re-concentration of land into the hands of big companies to construct their mega-farms.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The Bank explicitly acknowledges that the transition to a \u201cmodern\u201d agricultural system is geared towards expanding agribusiness at the expense of peasant farmers and farmworkers. In the Bank\u2019s Transforming Philippine Agriculture During COVID and Beyond<\/i><\/a>, Chile is hailed as a model example of a country that followed the same prescriptions on modernization, industrialization, and export promotion the Bank is now prescribing to the Philippines. While Chile\u2019s transformation created a \u201cburst of modernization in production\u201d and boosted exports considerably, the Bank explicitly acknowledged<\/a>: \u201cthere is legitimate concern that smallholders were less able to take full advantage of the opportunities presented by the reforms than the larger operators.\u201d While not the primary beneficiaries of these reforms, small farmers and poor rural residents \u201cbenefitted\u201d from new opportunities as \u201cwage earners\u201d when rural employment expanded \u2014 according to the Bank.<\/p>\n

This is not the future that peasant farmers and activists in the Philippines are struggling for.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The Bank\u2019s Complicity in Human Rights Crisis<\/h2>\n

To defend their right to land and control over their food, farmers and their organizations such as KMP are challenging the types of policies and programs funded by the Bank. In an October 2020 interview<\/a>, KMP\u2019s National Chairman Danilo Ramos clearly stated: \u201cwe are opposing the anti-people projects and programs of the government under the Duterte administration, and also the expansion of plantations devoted to export and mining.\u201d<\/p>\n

Under Duterte, the government has shown no hesitation in killing and imprisoning farmers and activists who resist the takeover of their lands or dare to organize and struggle for the right to feed their communities. By remaining silent on these human rights abuses and continuing to grant hundreds of millions of dollars towards agricultural reforms that benefit agribusiness at the expense of peasant farmers, the Bank enables and adds fuel to Duterte\u2019s war on farmers.<\/p>\n

\n

Author<\/h3>\n

Andy is a Research Associate supporting the Institute\u2019s work on land rights, food sovereignty and international development.<\/p>\n

He holds a Master\u2019s Degree in Public Policy from the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs with a concentration in Global Environment and Resources. Andy\u2019s past research experience centers on evaluating strategies for developing countries to adapt to the impacts of climate change with a focus on agroecology and sustainable seed systems.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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