{"id":4180,"date":"2015-10-19T21:52:05","date_gmt":"2015-10-19T21:52:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ourlandourbusiness.org\/lima-5000-protest-against-world-bank-imf-and-tpp\/"},"modified":"2019-10-25T17:42:45","modified_gmt":"2019-10-25T17:42:45","slug":"lima-5000-protest-against-world-bank-imf-and-tpp","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ourlandourbusiness.org\/fr\/lima-5000-protest-against-world-bank-imf-and-tpp\/","title":{"rendered":"Lima: 5,000 Protest against World Bank, IMF, And TPP"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Source: NACLA<\/p>\n

October 19, 2015<\/span><\/p>\n

Michael S. Wilson<\/small><\/p>\n

A diverse group of protestors raise issues about extractivism and the Trans Pacific Partnership during a conference that paralleled IMF\/World Bank meetings<\/p>\n

At the annual governors\u2019 meeting of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank in Lima between October 5th and 12th, an estimated 800 representatives from 188 countries negotiated the shape of the world\u2019s soon-to-be renovated finance infrastructure. While the international media focused on the official event, 1,200 people attended the Plataforma Alternativa conference\u2014a parallel three-day meeting organized under the theme \u201cBelying the \u2018Peruvian Miracle.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

The World Bank and IMF\u2019s governor\u2019s meeting was safeguarded by three perimeters of police. Peru reportedly mobilized 20,000 police to handle this event, many of whom were safeguarding key areas for some 12,000 foreign visitors. In stark contrast, the counter-conference was free, open to the public, and streamed<\/a> online. It featured U.S. economist Joseph Stiglitz, a winner of the Nobel Prize on economics, former World Bank chief economist, and outspoken critic of its policies, as its keynote speaker.<\/p>\n

\u201cInequality is a choice\u2014not the result of inevitable economic laws,\u201d Stiglitz said after reminding the audience that Latin America has the highest rate of wealth disparity among world regions. Just last week, Oxfam\u2014one of several organizations in charge of the conference\u2014released a report<\/a> indicating that, at the current pace, one percent of Latin Americans would be wealthier than the remaining 99 percent by 2022. Attendees at Plataforma Alternativa\u2019s conference represented dozens of organizations and countries as diverse as the Netherlands, China, the United States, Belgium, Zimbabwe, Colombia, Indonesia, Spain, Mexico, the Philippines, Germany, Palestine, and Argentina.<\/p>\n

On October 9th, an estimated 5,000 people marched across 70 blocks in Lima, from Plaza San Mart\u00edn to the first police perimeter around the official conference. Groups at the protest included indigenous feminist organizations, the Lima-based Comando Feminista<\/a>, Bloque Hip Hop<\/a>, worker unions<\/a>, the Peruvian Campesino Confederation<\/a>, the U.S.-based Oakland Institute, and dozens of others.<\/p>\n

Among the marchers was M\u00e1xima Acu\u00f1a, an indigenous agriculturalist from Cajamarca who has become famous worldwide for standing up to the world\u2019s largest open-pit gold mine, Yanacocha. As a candidate, president Ollanta Humala promised to ban the mining project, but he has since reneged on this.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe company has tried to force me off of my land through violence and delinquency,\u201d said Acu\u00f1a at a conference panel, her voice quivering as she detailed how police and company employees attempt to intimidate her. \u201cI live with this daily. Every day I am crushed by them.\u201d A new documentary film that features Acu\u00f1a, Hija de la Laguna<\/a>, was screened at the conference. It was the first time Acu\u00f1a had seen it.<\/p>\n

During the march, Acu\u00f1a told me about how the company continues to operate despite a government freeze on its activities. I asked her why, unlike her neighbors, she refused to sell her land and thus became an obstacle\u2014and a target\u2014for the company. \u201cMany people think only about money, but I am attached to my land,\u201d she said. \u201cI would rather die than give it up. Because I didn\u2019t sell the rights to my land, I live with my house under everyday police surveillance from their new post nearby.\u201d<\/p>\n

Given Peru\u2019s recent experiences with deadly mining conflicts such as T\u00eda Mar\u00eda, Las Bambas, and La Oroya, it comes as no surprise that many of the Plataforma panels focused on extractive industries. For two decades, the Peruvian state has adopted natural resource extraction as the leading engine behind its rapid economic growth\u2014under the guidance and financing of the World Bank and IMF.<\/p>\n

The Peruvian investigative organization Convoca<\/a> presented its findings that between 1994 and this year, almost 30 percent of all financing from the World Bank Groups\u2019 International Finance Corporation, or IFC, had been allocated to extractive projects. The IFC has a five percent stake in the mining project that will require Acu\u00f1a\u2019s displacement.<\/p>\n

As the global price of mineral commodities boomed up to its peak in 2013, Peru\u2019s government promptly expanded the scope of extractive activities in its territory. At the same time, however, the number and intensity of social conflicts over these projects escalated. The ombudsperson\u2019s office documented<\/a> 223 social conflicts in September of 2013, the vast majority of which surrounded mining projects. The same report noted that 196 people were killed and 2,369 were injured in conflicts over natural resources between 2006 and 2011.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere are visible tensions between companies and communities,\u201d Convoca\u2019s Gabriela Flores told me. \u201cThe state allows this to go on without intervening, until everything erupts, and we see deaths, injuries. By the time it has to intervene, it is too late.\u201d<\/p>\n

The frequency of conflicts has also been bad for business. Industry advocate and economist Hernando de Soto estimates that protests currently paralyze $70 billion dollars of mining investment in Peru.<\/p>\n

Last year, the IMF suggested<\/a> that Peru\u2019s natural resources could ensure its growth to levels reaching industrialized countries within only a few years. Just last week, however, the IMF released a report suggesting that Latin America was headed towards the first recession since the end of the global financial crisis, owing to reduced global demand for raw commodities.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhen countries extract natural resources, they become poorer. They had resources, and now they don\u2019t,\u201d Stiglitz said in his talk. \u201cUnless you reinvest the benefits from below the ground above the ground, you will be poorer, and vulnerable to external shocks, like now.\u201d However, according to Stiglitz, the IMF enacts \u201ctariff structures that make it very difficult for developing countries to diversify their economies.\u201d<\/p>\n

The conference also focused on the recent signing of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, a twelve country trade agreement that includes Peru, Japan, Mexico, the U.S., Australia, and Canada. The TPP includes some labor and environment protection measures lauded by U.S. President Barack Obama as new and \u201cabsent in previous agreements.<\/a>\u201d However, according to Jos\u00e9 de Echave<\/a>, a former Peruvian Vice-Minister of Environment, the 2007 free trade agreement between the U.S. and Peru already included these standards, and in fact served as a template for their wording in the TPP.<\/p>\n

de Echave notes that rules within the 2007 trade pact prohibited the rollback of environmental and worker protections. However, in the last two years alone, Humala\u2019s government has approved a series of five reform packages meant to \u201cencourage investment\u201d by altering approval processes and the power of the state\u2019s environmental oversight organization. That the Obama administration has failed to enforce rules set by that earlier agreement is a sobering check on the U.S. president\u2019s optimism about the TPP.<\/p>\n

During the conference, members of the Inter-Ethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Jungle, AIDESEP<\/a>, expressed their dismay at the softening of environmental and social standards for extractive industries. \u201cWe didn\u2019t use to see economic booms or busts. We are neither rich nor poor\u2014we are self-sustaining,\u201d said Wilmer S\u00e1nchez of AIDESEP. \u201cThe introduction of these international cycles has been bad for us, and bad for the Amazon.\u201d<\/p>\n

Only six years ago, the international political economy made its presence felt in Peru when it underscored an escalating set of tensions that culminated in the Bagua massacre<\/a>. Near that Amazonian city, national police were ordered to open fire on indigenous protestors\u2014including members of AIDESEP\u2014who were blocking a highway to demand that the state repealed concessions over their territory granted to logging, oil, and other extractive industries. Some of the protestors retaliated and wounded several police. Leaked cables<\/a> from the U.S. ambassador at the time warned the Peruvian government that, were it to \u201cgive in to the pressure, there would be implications\u201d for the treaty.<\/p>\n

Confrontations like these crystalize the frictions between different understandings of what \u201cdevelopment\u201d is and who it should serve. \u201cThe Trans-Pacific Partnership is almost certainly a bad deal for Peru,\u201d Stiglitz said. \u201cIt is a strategy for non-development.\u201d<\/p>\n

As in the other signatory countries, the TPP will require approval from Peru\u2019s legislature. This, coupled with the leverage social movements wield as Peru heads into general elections, opens a great opportunity to pressure the government and would-be presidents to reject it.<\/p>\n

View Full Article at NACLA <\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Source: NACLA October 19, 2015 Michael S. 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